Rustam Makhmudov’s article, presented at the international scientific and practical conference on The Politics of Unity in Central Asia: Uzbekistan’s Role in Ensuring Stability in the Region, offers a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of Tashkent’s course in Central Asia. The author identifies three key stages: the first (2016–2020) – the launch of large-scale reforms and active rapprochement with neighboring countries through increased trade, tourism and cultural exchanges, as well as the establishment of a format for consultative meetings between the heads of state of the region; the second (2020–2023) – overcoming the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, when Uzbekistan provided humanitarian aid and restored economic ties, while maintaining a proactive policy in Central Asia; and the third stage, which began in recent years, is characterized by deepening transport and economic cooperation, the opening of the Afghan market and the integration of resources into regional supply chains.   In the second part of the article, Makhmudov analyses the macro-factors that determine the challenges and opportunities for the new phase of regional policy. Global geopolitical transformation is leading to a transition from a bipolar to a non-polar world, where major powers are forced to build situational alliances, creating security challenges in Central Asia. Technological rivalry between the United States and China in the fields of AI and quantum technologies exacerbates the need for a common regional strategy for training personnel and developing an innovative economy. The philosophy of growthism and consumer society conflicts with the region’s climate constraints, especially in the context of water scarcity, which requires a rethinking of the green growth paradigm for sustainable development. Finally, strengthening the pan-regional identity requires a shift from a discourse of cultural and historical unity to the formation of bottom-up integration ideas capable of uniting young people and experts throughout Central Asia.   The author emphasizes that an adequate and timely response to these challenges creates the conditions for a transition from multilateral cooperation to full-fledged regional integration. Thanks to Tashkent’s proactive line and pragmatic approach based on maximizing the dividends from joint projects, Uzbekistan is capable of acting as a locomotive for sustainable cooperation, providing a safe haven in the raging global sea. This strategic vector not only strengthens political and economic stability in Central Asia, but also sets new benchmarks for integration processes that meet the realities of the 21st century.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In a new article by the team of the Center for Energy Diplomacy and Geopolitics, the authors define the concept of energy security and examine its technical, economic, geopolitical and environmental dimensions. The authors emphasise that modern global energy demand and the global trend towards decarbonisation require states to balance supply reliability with resilience to climate risks.   The article then analyses the strategies of leading economies – Germany, Japan, the United States and China – as well as countries with comparable levels of energy system development (Kazakhstan, Egypt and Iran). Particular attention is paid to areas such as diversification of sources, development of renewable energy and nuclear power, improving energy efficiency, and creating energy storage systems. Based on a comparative review, the report demonstrates how each country has struck its own balance between imports and domestic energy production.   The authors compare the structure of the energy balance and the degree of import dependence: Uzbekistan is close to Kazakhstan and Iran in terms of the share of fossil fuels (mainly natural gas), but lags behind countries with developed renewable energy and nuclear power (Germany, Japan, China). At the same time, it is emphasised that low external dependence does not guarantee sustainability — peak shortages and infrastructure wear and tear are becoming critical challenges even for resource-rich countries.   The concluding part of the article formulates recommendations for Uzbekistan: diversification of the energy balance through large-scale development of renewable energy and nuclear power, modernisation of infrastructure and introduction of energy-saving practices, creation of storage systems and smart grids, strengthening of regional cooperation on energy exchange, as well as institutional reforms and human resource development. The authors emphasise the adaptation of international best practices, taking into account the country’s national characteristics.   Read the article in the Journal of Interdisciplinary Science   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

Dr. Abbos Bobokhonov’s article, published in the China Currents journal by the China Research Center in Atlanta (Georgia, USA), offers a detailed and nuanced analysis of how the recent Third Plenum of the Communist Party of China (CPC) may shape Beijing’s policy directions, particularly as they relate to Central Asia. Drawing parallels with the historic Third Plenum of 1978, the author positions the latest assembly as a moment of introspection and recalibration in the face of mounting economic challenges within China — including a slowing growth rate, industrial contraction, and demographic pressures. The Plenum’s adoption of the “Decision on Further Deepening Reform for Advancing Chinese Modernization” signals a continued commitment to market-oriented reforms, albeit under the cautious watch of party oversight.   Dr. Bobokhonov highlights how the outcomes of the Plenum have already catalysed intensified diplomatic exchanges and investment deals. Trade figures between China and Central Asia have risen markedly — from $70 billion in 2022 to nearly $95 billion in 2024 — complemented by massive investment pledges secured during recent presidential visits. These developments point to deepening interdependence, where Central Asia plays a dual role as both a source of raw materials and a logistical corridor linking China with Europe and the Middle East. Simultaneously, China’s support for green energy initiatives in the region — including wind and solar energy projects by companies such as Xinjiang Goldwind — reveals a growing alignment with global climate commitments and the region’s own ecological transformation goals.   Another emerging vector of cooperation identified in the article is agribusiness. With the Chinese leadership keen to ensure long-term food security, Central Asia’s agricultural capacity is seen as a valuable complement to China’s domestic needs. The Third Plenum’s call to make China’s vast market a shared global opportunity may pave the way for greater agricultural exports from the region. Finally, the article underlines that China’s strategic interest in regional stability — particularly due to its sensitivity regarding Xinjiang — will also shape its future engagement. Enhanced cooperation in security, counter-terrorism, and regional coordination through platforms like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is expected to continue alongside economic engagement.   In conclusion, Dr. Bobokhonov offers a comprehensive forecast of the multi-dimensional ties likely to evolve between China and Central Asian countries in the wake of the Third Plenum. He argues that Beijing’s renewed reform trajectory — while domestically driven — will inevitably generate structural consequences for the region, reinforcing its role as both a strategic partner and a testing ground for China’s outward-facing economic initiatives. Central Asia, in this framework, becomes both a beneficiary and a stakeholder in China’s long-term economic recalibration.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In his article Rustam Makhmudov emphasises that the modern discourse on green transition requires a deeper and non-linear understanding. The author, relying on the definitions of the European Commission, notes that the green transition involves not just technological innovation, but also fundamental changes in the very model of economic and social development. However, as Makhmudov expertly notes, current approaches often remain in the captivity of linear logic – as if we are talking about a straightforward transition from one system to another, without taking into account hidden contradictions and structural limitations.   The article pays special attention to the phenomenon of “growthism” – the ideology of quantitative increase in production, which has its roots in the era of industrial revolutions. Makhmudov argues that even proponents of the circular economy – a key element of the green transition – often remain hostage to productivist attitudes. He critically analyses the circular model, pointing out its contradiction: in reality, maintaining endless technological innovation and mass consumption leads to the increasing extraction of new resources, such as lithium and rare earth metals, which calls into question the true sustainability of the stated goals.   The author details the relationship between the ideology of mass consumption, the mechanisms of creative destruction described by Joseph Schumpeter, and the logic of modern technological progress. Makhmudov emphasises that without constant stimulation of demand and accelerated obsolescence of goods, the dynamics of the capitalist economy is impossible, which means that the green transition will not escape these patterns. In this context, he is sceptical about the possibility of building a truly closed circular economy, as resource recycling has physical, thermodynamic and economic limits.   Finally, the expert notes that green technologies, despite reducing emissions at the operational stage, are accompanied by significant environmental costs at the extraction and production stages. Makhmudov provides convincing evidence of the high level of pollution in lithium and rare earth mining and the high carbon footprint of electric vehicle production. He concludes his analysis with the need for further fundamental research that can not only diagnose the weaknesses of the current green transition model, but also suggest more realistic ways to improve it.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In their study on Islamic radicalism in Central Asia, Ivan Safranchuk, a Professor at the MGIMO University in Moscow, and Rustam Makhmudov examine the historical evolution, patterns, and future trajectory of radical Islamist movements in the region. The authors argue that the development of Islam in Central Asia throughout the 20th century was shaped primarily by internal regional dynamics, closely intertwined with local traditions and identity formation. They highlight that while the Soviet period suppressed Islamic practices, the political liberalisation of the late 20th century, particularly during perestroika, led to the revival of political Islam, fostering the emergence of various movements and organisations across the region. However, the authors note that while these groups initially played a significant role in shaping the religious and political discourse, they were progressively marginalised by state authorities, limiting their domestic influence.   The authors propose a critical distinction between two types of radical Islamic organisations operating in Central Asia. The first category consists of groups focused on the internal Islamic revival, emphasising religious purification and non-violent political engagement. The second type comprises transnational organisations that seek to use Central Asia as a recruitment and operational base for broader geopolitical ambitions. Safranchuk and Makhmudov underscore that both categories of organisations face mounting pressure from regional governments, with states employing legal, political, and security measures to suppress their activities. Additionally, they highlight that Jihadist movements, which previously sought to expand their influence in the region, have suffered major military defeats, weakening their operational capacity and ideological appeal.   Despite these setbacks for radical Islamist organisations, the authors conclude that Islamic radicalism in Central Asia is unlikely to disappear entirely. They argue that the ongoing religious renaissance in the region — fuelled by socialisation and enculturation processes — provides a fertile environment for radical ideologies to persist. While state repression has curbed the most overt expressions of political Islam, the broader trend of increasing religious consciousness means that radical narratives may continue to find some traction, particularly among disaffected segments of society. Consequently, the study suggests that governments must remain vigilant, balancing their counter-radicalisation efforts with policies that address socio-economic grievances and promote moderate Islamic engagement.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In his article, Rustam Makhmudov analyses the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan, looking at its causes, consequences and impact on international relations. He details the factors that contributed to the rapid fall of the Afghan government in 2021, including weak state institutions, corruption and ineffective policies of the US and its allies. The article highlights that despite years of efforts by the international community to stabilise Afghanistan, the Taliban have managed to regain power virtually unopposed.   The key point of the article is to examine the changes in the Taliban’s domestic and foreign policies since returning to power. The author notes that although the Taliban claim a desire to maintain international contacts and promise a more moderate course, their actual policies demonstrate a commitment to traditional radical ideas. In particular, there is an emphasis on restricting women’s rights, suppressing opposition and restoring strict religious norms.   An important aspect of the article is also an assessment of the world community’s reaction to the new regime in Afghanistan. The author points out the difference in the positions of different countries: some states seek cautious engagement with the Taliban, while others completely refuse to recognise their legitimacy. The article analyses how the Taliban’s policies affect regional security, including the threat of terrorism and the flow of refugees, as well as the impact of the situation on Central Asian countries.   Thus, the article presents an in-depth analysis of the contemporary Afghan reality, revealing the mechanisms of the Taliban’s rise to power, their internal politics and the international implications of this process. The author emphasises that further developments will largely depend on the ability of the international community to develop a unified approach to interacting with the Taliban regime.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.