Nargiza Umarova highlights Uzbekistan’s modern policy of developing southern-oriented international transport corridors as a strategic response to disrupted northern routes due to the war in Ukraine. It discusses Uzbekistan’s prioritisation of trade diversification, particularly through the Trans-Afghan Corridor, Iran’s Chabahar port, and other multimodal routes. These initiatives are critical for achieving direct access to the Indian Ocean and connecting to promising markets in South Asia, the Middle East, and beyond.   A significant focus is on the proposed Trans-Afghan Railway, connecting Uzbekistan to Pakistan via Afghanistan. This route, expected to be operational by 2030, would reduce transit times drastically, making Uzbekistan a key hub for South Asia-China trade. However, security challenges and investment uncertainties in Afghanistan remain significant obstacles. Meanwhile, Uzbekistan’s collaboration with China on the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway and connections to Gwadar port in Pakistan also position it strategically within China’s Belt and Road Initiative.   The article also examines Uzbekistan’s engagement with Iranian transit routes, particularly the port of Chabahar, which is exempt from sanctions. This offers an alternative for exporting goods while reducing reliance on unstable Afghan transit. However, the sanctions regime against Iran poses logistical challenges for routes involving Bandar Abbas. The Central Asia-Persian Gulf corridor, though operational, faces similar hurdles due to the complexity and costs of multimodal transport.   In conclusion, Uzbekistan’s proactive approach to diversifying trade routes is not only aimed at overcoming its geographic limitations but also at fostering regional economic integration. The multiplier effects of these corridors are expected to benefit all of Central Asia, facilitating greater economic connectivity and development. However, the long-term success of these initiatives will depend on security, funding, and the resolution of geopolitical challenges.   Read the article on Connective Think’s website   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

The article by Nargiza Umarova discusses Uzbekistan’s strategic role in enhancing transportation connectivity among Turkic states, focusing on its efforts to establish itself as a vital transit hub in Eurasia. The author highlights Uzbekistan’s proactive transport policy aimed at reducing high logistics costs, which currently constitute 60% of trade product costs due to the country’s lack of maritime access. To overcome these challenges, Uzbekistan leverages its geographical location and collaborates with neighbouring Turkic countries within the Organisation of Turkic States (OTS).   One of the key initiatives explored is the CASCA+ multimodal corridor connecting Central Asia, the South Caucasus, and Anatolia. This route provides an alternative to the Northern Corridor, disrupted by geopolitical tensions, and integrates Uzbekistan into a broader “Europe-China-Europe” supply chain. The corridor’s development, including preferential tariffs and seamless transit agreements, has already facilitated increased freight volumes, with plans to expand capacity to 23 million tonnes annually.   The article also underscores Uzbekistan’s focus on diversifying trade routes to Europe and the Middle East through collaborations such as the “China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan” railway and the “Turkey-Iran-Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan” railway. These projects aim to optimise transit times and costs, offering competitive alternatives to existing routes like the Trans-Caspian corridor. The inclusion of the Zangazur corridor and expanded cooperation with Azerbaijan and Turkey further highlights Uzbekistan’s commitment to regional logistics integration.   Overall, Nargiza Umarova concludes that Uzbekistan’s transport connectivity efforts not only address domestic economic challenges but also bolster the strategic objectives of the OTS. The country’s initiatives contribute to the economic growth of Central Asia, enhance the region’s trade capacity, and underscore the importance of cohesive Turkic partnerships in global transport networks.   Read and download the article (in Turkish)   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

Dr. Islomkhon Gafarov’s article, published in Oriental Studies, a peer-reviewed academic journal by the Tashkent State University of Oriental Studies, provides a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy strategies of Russia and China concerning the geopolitical and economic connectivity of Central and South Asia.   Dr. Gafarov begins by contextualising the importance of Central-South Asian connectivity, emphasising its pivotal role in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy and the broader Eurasian agenda. The author investigates the multifaceted dimensions of this connectivity, including the influence of external powers like Russia and China. Through a comparative methodology, he identifies the convergences and divergences in the strategic interests of these major Eurasian actors, exploring how their policies shape regional dynamics.   The article delves into Russia’s constructivist approach, which is rooted in concepts like Eurasianism. Russia utilises platforms such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) to bolster its regional influence. Moscow’s primary interest lies in the export of energy resources to South Asia while maintaining control over Central Asia’s economic and political integration. Dr. Gafarov highlights that while Russia supports major transport corridors like the International North-South Transport Corridor, it hesitates to embrace projects led by external powers that could dilute its regional dominance.   On the other hand, the author examines China’s strategic vision, which centres around its flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China integrates Central and South Asia into a coherent framework through projects such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the C+C5 platform. Unlike Russia, Beijing’s approach is characterised by a focus on economic pragmatism and infrastructure development. However, it is noted that China’s policies largely exclude India from regional integration, reflecting underlying geopolitical rivalries.   Dr. Islomkhon Gafarov’s scholarly contribution lies in elucidating how these competing strategic frameworks influence Central-South Asian connectivity, offering nuanced insights into the interplay of regional cooperation and great power competition. The article serves as a valuable resource for policymakers and scholars exploring Eurasian geopolitics and regional integration processes.   Read and download the article here   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

The Zangezur Corridor, emerging in the aftermath of the Second Karabakh War, is a transformative infrastructure project aimed at connecting Azerbaijan with its Nakhchivan exclave via Armenia’s Syunik region. As Nargiza Umarova explains, this corridor not only strengthens Azerbaijan-Turkiye connectivity but also offers a crucial new route for Central Asian states seeking efficient access to European markets. By shortening the existing Baku-Tbilisi-Kars route, it promises significant reductions in transit time and costs, enhancing the competitiveness of goods from Uzbekistan and its neighbours. The author highlights that this new link aligns with the expanding significance of the Middle Corridor, especially in light of the reorientation of trade routes away from Russia due to the Ukraine conflict.   However, the project’s implementation faces resistance from Armenia and Iran. Armenia is concerned about territorial implications, while Iran fears a strengthened Turkiye-Azerbaijan axis that could diminish its regional influence. Despite these challenges, Azerbaijan has diversified its strategy by developing an alternative route through Iran, thereby reducing dependency on Armenian cooperation. The Zangezur Corridor, alongside the Iranian Aras route, holds the potential to bolster regional trade networks, offering Central Asia enhanced logistical pathways and contributing to the geopolitical reconfiguration of Eurasian trade corridors.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.   Read the article on Caspian Policy Center’s website

The article analyses Uzbekistan’s strategic challenges arising from its increasing reliance on Chinese technology, particularly in renewable energy and green technology. As Uzbekistan pursues its climate goals, including achieving carbon neutrality by 2050, China emerges as a primary supplier of crucial technologies such as solar panels, wind turbines, and electric vehicles. This dependence raises concerns about economic sovereignty, energy security, and the risks associated with China’s dominant market position.   The piece presents two strategic options for Uzbekistan: continuing to import affordable Chinese technology, which ensures rapid green energy adoption but deepens dependency, or adopting policies to reduce foreign technology imports to support the development of domestic industries. The latter approach aims at fostering technological self-reliance, potentially increasing energy security but may lead to higher costs and slower progress in meeting climate objectives. The article stresses that Uzbekistan’s path will significantly impact its economic and environmental future, reflecting a delicate balance between cost-effectiveness and strategic autonomy.   Read the article on Länder-Analysen’s website

This article was co-authored with Professor Joscimar Souza Silva from the Political Science Institute, University of Brasília     Brazil has been increasingly asserting its role on the global stage, seeking to become a key player in both political and economic affairs. The country is a prominent member of the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), where it advocates for the reform of international economic institutions and the strengthening of economic ties among developing nations. Through BRICS, Brazil has been promoting multipolarity and greater representation for emerging economies in global governance. Brazil’s foreign policy has also shown a growing focus on expanding its influence in regions beyond Latin America. This strategic outreach is part of Brazil’s broader effort to diversify its international partnerships and assert its presence in global South-South cooperation frameworks. The relationship between Brazil and the countries of Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, is a fascinating example of cross-regional diplomacy and cooperation. Despite geographical distance and distinct historical trajectories, Brazil and Central Asian states have found common ground in promoting economic collaboration, cultural exchange, and multilateral diplomacy.   When it comes to Uzbekistan, despite historically modest trade volumes, the country’s economic relations with Brazil show significant growth potential. On August 17, 2015, the Agreement on Economic and Trade Cooperation between the Government of Uzbekistan and the Government of Brazil entered into force[1]. This agreement lays the foundation for strengthening bilateral trade and economic relations between the two countries. In 2023, the trade turnover between Uzbekistan and Brazil amounted to $656.6 million[2]. In 2023, Brazil’s imports from Uzbekistan amounted to approximately $413.1 million[3]. Brazil’s exports to Uzbekistan mainly include agricultural products such as sugar, tobacco, grains, and meat, as well as machinery and equipment[4]. In turn, Uzbekistan exports textiles, cotton, and plastics to Brazil.   The international financial institutions (IFIs) support Uzbekistan’s efforts to transition to a market economy, aiming to enhance private sector participation in key sectors and reduce state dominance. These reforms are expected to improve economic opportunities and facilitate trade growth with partners like Brazil, especially in agriculture and energy sectors. To support these efforts, the World Bank alone has provided financial assistance amounting to $800 million in concessional loans[5].   Brazil and Central Asia could engage in resource and expertise exchange in key sectors. Brazil could import oil and gas from Central Asia, while the region could benefit from Brazil’s advanced agricultural technologies. Central Asia is already exploring ways to diversify its economy and access new markets, making Brazil an attractive partner for trade and investment. Given that both parties have competitive export sectors, they can negotiate mutually beneficial trade agreements. Infrastructure development is another crucial area for potential cooperation. Brazil has extensive experience in implementing large-scale infrastructure projects—from roads and bridges to ports and railway networks. Some of the most significant infrastructure projects in Brazil include the Trans-Amazonian Highway (BR-230), the Port of Santos Expansion, the North-South Railway (Ferrovia Norte-Sul) and the São Francisco River Transposition Project. This expertise could be beneficial for Central Asian countries as they continue to develop their transportation systems and logistics infrastructure to enhance regional integration and attract international investments. In agriculture and major infrastructure projects, Brazil is also learning about the socio-environmental impacts and challenges of climate change, and is a pioneer in the transition to green energy[6].   Furthermore, Kazakhstan is the world’s leading uranium producer, largely through its national atomic company, Kazatomprom, could collaborate with Brazil in the field of energy. In 2023, Kazakhstan produced approximately 20,500 to 21,500 tons of uranium on a 100% basis, which represents the total production volume of all entities in which Kazatomprom has an interest[7]. This production is expected to increase to between 21,000 and 22,500 tons in 2024. Kazatomprom accounts for about 20% of the global primary uranium production, making it the largest producer in the world[8].   In the same vein, Turkmenistan is a significant player in the natural gas market.  The country expanding its natural gas production to meet both domestic and international demands by increasing its gas production by an additional 60 billion cubic meters in the coming years[9]. The development of the Galkynysh gas field, one of the world’s largest, is central to this strategy[10]. This expansion will enable Turkmenistan to significantly boost its exports, including to new markets through strategic projects such as the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline. These initiatives present valuable opportunities for Brazil to invest in and partner with Turkmenistan in the energy sector.   Tajikistan has significant hydroelectric potential due to its mountainous terrain and numerous downstream rivers, while Brazil has extensive experience in hydroelectric power generation and renewable energy technologies. A notable example of Brazil’s expertise is the Itaipu Dam, shared between Brazil and Paraguay, one of the largest hydroelectric projects in the world, located on the Paraná River[11]. This dam, with a capacity of 14,000 megawatts[12], is a symbol of Brazil’s capability in managing complex hydropower infrastructure. Tajikistan, in turn, is developing the Rogun Dam, which, upon completion, will be the tallest dam in the world and have a generating capacity of 3,600 megawatts[13]. Collaboration between the two countries could involve technical support, best practices sharing, and strategic partnerships to optimize the construction and operation of large-scale hydro projects like Rogun. With regard to hydroelectric plants, it is essential to understand the socio-environmental impacts involved at all stages of the process, especially during implementation, the phase with the greatest risk[14].   Additionally, Brazil’s experience with smaller-scale hydro projects[15], which have been crucial in providing sustainable energy to rural areas, could be adapted to Tajikistan’s context. For example, Brazil’s development of mini and micro hydropower plants could be replicated in Tajikistan to electrify remote mountainous regions, thereby reducing reliance on fossil fuels. Furthermore, Brazil’s comprehensive approach to integrating renewable energy into its national grid—illustrated by programs like PROINFA[16], which promotes wind, biomass, and small hydro projects—could serve as a model for Tajikistan to diversify its energy portfolio. This collaboration would not only enhance Tajikistan’s energy capacity but also strengthen bilateral ties, leveraging Brazil’s expertise in sustainable energy solutions and Tajikistan’s natural hydropower resources.   In recent years, Central Asian countries have taken steps to improve trade conditions and reduce barriers for exports and imports. Within the framework of the B5+1 format, these countries aim to establish a free trade zone, which could open up additional opportunities for trade with Brazil and larger MERCOSUR trade block. Another potential aspect of bilateral relations could be cultural exchange and the development of educational programs. Establishing direct ties between universities in Brazil and Central Asia would enable students to exchange knowledge and experiences, conduct joint research, and open new opportunities for young professionals. Brazil already has experience participating in educational programs in other developing countries.   Cooperation could be carried out, for instance, within the framework of the program, which constitutes one of the key initiatives—the Post Graduate Student/ Covenant Program (PEC-PG). This program offers full PhD scholarships to professors, researchers, and professionals from developing countries that have cooperation agreements with Brazil in education, culture, science, and technology[17] in 112 public universities with free education and grants to encourage research and permanence in higher education and postgraduate studies. This program aims to enhance the qualifications of these professionals to support the development of their home countries. Cultural ties are also important to consider. Brazil is a country with a rich cultural heritage, while Central Asia has a remarkable cultural legacy, including contributions to science, art, and literature. Organizing joint cultural events such as exhibitions, concerts, and festivals could strengthen mutual understanding and stimulate tourism between the regions.   In addition to education and cultural exchange, collaboration on sustainable development is crucial. In the era of globalization, it is vital to address global challenges such as climate change, desertification, environmental pollution, and food security. Brazil is one of the world’s leading agricultural countries, specializing in the export of agricultural products such as soybeans, sugar, coffee, meat, and corn. Its expertise in agribusiness could be highly beneficial for Central Asian countries, many of which are still striving to modernize their agriculture and increase productivity. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, in particular, are major producers of cotton, wheat, and other agricultural products, but their agricultural sectors need innovative technologies and management systems to enhance efficiency.   Figure 1: Comparison of the Economies of Brazil and CA Countries   In the last two decades, Brazil has also advanced in digital transformation. Today, Brazil has one of the most advanced electoral systems, using electronic ballot boxes since 2000, despite being a young democracy of just over 36 years[18]. It also has one of the most advanced banking and payment systems, as well as a broad program for offering and integrating digital public services, which include everything from digital personal signature services to advanced systems for transparency of public accounts via government websites and open data systems. Brazil’s long experience in digital transformation, given its population and economic size, can serve as a model for other countries, such as those in Central Asia.   In sum, specific cooperation areas between Brazil and Central Asia could include the following: Exchange of advanced agricultural technologies. Brazil could offer precision farming technologies, sustainable agricultural practices, and water resource management, which are especially important for the arid regions of Central Asia. Joint farmer training programs. Organizing training courses for farmers and agricultural specialists from Central Asia with the participation of Brazilian experts could help improve farming methods in the region. Development of joint agricultural projects. Establishing agribusiness enterprises and producing processed goods for export could be another step towards deepening cooperation. Brazil’s investment in Central Asian agriculture could enhance the competitiveness of the region’s agribusiness sector in the global market and help these countries not only reduce their dependence on food imports but also enter export markets with higher-quality products. Sharing Brazil’s environmental and socio-economic expertise, especially regarding the undertaking of major infrastructure projects and the risks and regulations associated with them. Developing partnerships between Brazil and Central Asian countries for socio-economic development, including universities, research and technological development, while respecting socio-cultural and environmental diversity and climate change. Sharing Brazil’s experience with digital transformation and its impact on providing more efficient and transparent public services.   Despite the lucrative prospects, there are also challenges that need to be addressed to deepen cooperation between Brazil and Central Asia. One of the challenges is geographical distance. Both sides are located on different continents, and trade and economic ties may face logistical difficulties related to the transportation of goods and the organization of joint projects. More active diplomatic engagement is also required. This includes strengthening existing diplomatic channels, opening new embassies and trade missions, and intensifying intergovernmental negotiations. It is also essential to create favorable conditions for investors and simplify business procedures between countries. Nevertheless, the potential for growth and development of partnership relations between Brazil and the Central Asian countries is substantial. Cooperation in energy, agribusiness, tourism, education and digital transformation could significantly strengthen the economies of both regions and lead to mutual benefits on the global stage.   [1] https://www.norma.uz/novoe_v_zakonodatelstve/s_braziliey_ustanovlen_blagopriyatnyy_rejim_sotrudnichestva [2] https://en.trend.az/casia/uzbekistan/3912963.html [3] https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/imports/uzbekistan [4] https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/exports/uzbekistan [5]https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2023/12/08/uzbekistan-s-transition-to-market-economy-to-accelerate-by-strategic-reforms-supported-by-the-world-bank [6] https://agenciagov.ebc.com.br/noticias/202408/plano-unifica-acoes-de-estado-para-politica-energetica-mais-verde-e-inclusiva [7]https://www.kazatomprom.kz/en/media/view/finansovie_rezultati_ao_nak_kazatomprom_za_1e_polugodie_2024_goda_i_obnovlenie_proizvodstvennih_planov_na_2025_god [8]https://www.kazatomprom.kz/en/media/view/kazatomprom_4Q23_operations_and_trading_update [9]https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/74532/turkmenistan-plans-increase-gas-production-60-billion-cubic-meters-near-future [10]https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/74532/turkmenistan-plans-increase-gas-production-60-billion-cubic-meters-near-future [11] https://www.itaipu.gov.br/en/nossahistoria [12] https://www.itaipu.gov.br/en/nossahistoria [13] https://www.power-technology.com/projects/rogun-hydropower-plant/ [14] https://periodicos.unb.br/index.php/sust/article/view/40635/33074 [15] https://energypedia.info/wiki/Small_Hydro_Power_(SHP)_Brazil_-_Institutional_Set-up [16]https://www.researchgate.net/publication/224384110_The_Brazilian_Renewable_Energy_Incentive_Program_-_The_Second_Phase_of_the_PROINFA_Assessing_Policy_Efficiency_And_Barriers_in_Long-term_Scenarios [17]https://www.gov.br/capes/en/access-to-information/actions-and-programs/scholarships-and-students/international-cooperation-programs/multinational/post-graduate-student-covenant-program-pec-pg [18] https://www.tse.jus.br/comunicacao/noticias/2023/Janeiro/urna-eletronica-de-2000-permitiu-a-primeira-eleicao-100-informatizada   Download the article below