In his article, Islomkhon Gafarov analyzes the strategic approaches of Russia and China to the integration of Central and South Asia. As noted in the work, the interconnectedness of these regions is gaining increasing importance on the geopolitical agenda, with Russia and China demonstrating constructivist approaches to the development of integration processes. The author emphasizes that Central Asian countries are interested in access to seaports, while South Asian states seek access to markets in the Central Asian region.   Speaking about Russia, the author indicates that its policy is based on the concept of “new Eurasianism”, within which it aims to strengthen integration with India, China, Iran, and other states. Moscow is intensifying ties with South Asia through SCO mechanisms, as well as employing the concepts of Global South and World Majority, which, as the author notes, may accelerate integration processes in the Eurasian macro-region.   Regarding China, the article highlights its long-term strategy focused on creating infrastructure and economic corridors, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. In this context, Beijing views Central and South Asia as crucial links in global economic interaction, developing transport routes and strengthening trade ties. The author concludes that, despite differences in strategies, Russia and China share a common interest in deepening the interconnectedness of these regions.   Read the article on CABAR.Asia   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

As Jeon Hongpyo, Visiting Research Fellow at the Centre for Asia-Pacific Studies, states, the role of Koryo-saram (ethnic Koreans in Central Asia) within South Korea’s K-Silk Road Initiative is of significant historical and cultural importance. In his analysis, Jeon highlights the transnational agency of Koryo-saram and their potential contributions to Korea’s diplomatic and economic engagement with Central Asia. However, he argues that despite their strategic importance, Koryo-saram continue to face considerable socio-economic challenges that hinder their full participation in South Korea’s broader vision for the region.   As the researcher asserts, one of the critical issues confronting Koryo-saram is the disparity in South Korea’s overseas Korean policies. He critiques these policies for their emphasis on national homogeneity and identity reinforcement, which, he argues, often overlook the unique historical and socio-political realities of diaspora communities. Furthermore, as the study illustrates, educational barriers and limited financial support further exacerbate the challenges faced by Koryo-saram, placing them at a disadvantage compared to other overseas Korean groups. The author contends that such limitations are rooted in nationalistic policymaking frameworks that fail to account for the diverse and complex experiences of ethnic Koreans abroad.   In addressing these concerns, Jeon Hongpyo proposes a range of comprehensive strategies aimed at fostering inclusivity. As he suggests, reforms in scholarship programs, the development of tailored visa policies, and the creation of initiatives focused on cultural exchange and global citizenship are essential steps toward bridging the existing gaps. The author advocates for a fundamental shift in South Korea’s approach, moving away from a possessive nationalistic paradigm toward a model grounded in diversity and humanitarianism. Such a transition, he argues, would not only support Koryo-saram in overcoming socio-economic challenges but also enable South Korea to leverage their potential as valuable intermediaries in strengthening ties with Central Asia.   As the author concludes, by embracing inclusive and forward-looking policies, South Korea can reinforce its position as a global leader while simultaneously deepening its engagement with Central Asia. He maintains that the active participation of Koryo-saram in the K-Silk Road Initiative would be instrumental in achieving its objectives, facilitating deeper diplomatic, economic, and cultural cooperation between Korea and the Central Asian region.   Read and download the article   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In November 2024, Dr. Islomkhon Gafarov, Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Afghanistan and South Asian Studies, received his Ph.D. in political science, having successfully defended his dissertation on Modern Foreign Policy of the USA in South Asia (in the case of India and Pakistan).   His research presents a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the US foreign policy strategy in the South Asian region. Special attention was paid to international relations through the prism of constructivism. This approach occupies a key place in the theoretical part of the work, as constructivism considers international processes not only through the traditional factors of power and interests, but also through ideological and cultural aspects. Using the example of US foreign policy in South Asia, the author shows how this theory is applicable to analysing long-term relations with India and Pakistan. The author argues that US foreign policy in the region reflects not only pragmatic strategic goals such as containing communism or fighting terrorism, but also constructivist aspects such as democratic values and perceptions of allies. This is particularly evident in relations with India, which is seen by the US as an important democratic partner that shares similar ideological principles.   The study demonstrates how, over the past seven decades, South Asia has emerged as one of the key regions shaping global geopolitical dynamics. The author identifies seven historical periods in the evolution of American foreign policy in the region, beginning in 1947 and ending with the current phase following the withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021. It also analyses the factors that have influenced the transformation of US regional policy, including India’s rise as a global player, the development of the North-South international transport corridor, India and Pakistan’s entry into the SCO, and Pakistan’s strategic pivot towards cooperation with China.   The key conclusion of the study is the identification of the cyclical nature of American foreign policy in the region, characterised by alternating periods of active engagement and relative distancing. At the same time, there is a significant transformation of US priorities: if during the Cold War Pakistan was the main regional partner, in modern conditions the emphasis has shifted to the development of strategic partnership with India.   The dissertation abstract summarising the main findings of the study is presented for your attention.   Read and download the abstract   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

Among the proceedings of the international conference on Afghanistan under the Taliban: Reactions of Neighboring Countries and Great Powers is an article by Rustam Makhmudov, leading research fellow at IAIS, written in co-authorship with Madina Abdullaeva, senior lecturer at the Department of Political Science, UWED, and Mushtariy Usmonova, research fellow at IAIS. The study analyses Afghanistan’s abundant natural resources and their significance in the emerging geopolitical context. The authors take a detailed look at strategically important deposits of copper, lithium and rare earth metals, whose combined value is estimated to be between $1 trillion and $3 trillion.   The article focuses on the growing interest of world powers, including China, India and Russia, in these resources and their role in competing for their exploitation. The authors focus on the challenges and opportunities facing Afghanistan, including lack of international recognition, sanctions and internal political barriers. It is noted that proper resource management and investment linkages can be key to the country’s economic recovery, opening up new opportunities for its integration into global economic processes.   Read and download the article (in Russian)   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

The proceedings of the international conference on Afghanistan Under Taliban Rule: The Reaction of Neighboring Countries and Great Powers, held at the University of World Economy and Diplomacy with the assistance of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (Germany) in 2024, include an article by Rustam Makhmudov, a leading researcher at the Laboratory for Anthropology and Conflict Studies, devoted to the analysis of the Taliban’s socio-economic policy and the prospects for the modernisation of Afghanistan. The author examines in detail the economic situation in the country since the Taliban came to power in 2021, focusing on the sharp decline in GDP, the loss of Western financial aid and the complexities of the financial system.   The article highlights that the Taliban have made some progress in fighting corruption, stabilizing foreign trade and launching major infrastructure projects such as the Qosh Tepa Canal and the development of copper and oil deposits. However, the author argues that key challenges, including limited participation of women in economic life, poor governance and dependence on humanitarian aid, continue to impede Afghanistan’s sustainable development. Mr Makhmudov analyses the prospects for further economic growth in an environment dominated by extractive institutions and highlights the importance of international cooperation and investment to stabilize the country.   Read and download the article (in Russian)   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

Nargiza Umarova highlights Uzbekistan’s modern policy of developing southern-oriented international transport corridors as a strategic response to disrupted northern routes due to the war in Ukraine. It discusses Uzbekistan’s prioritisation of trade diversification, particularly through the Trans-Afghan Corridor, Iran’s Chabahar port, and other multimodal routes. These initiatives are critical for achieving direct access to the Indian Ocean and connecting to promising markets in South Asia, the Middle East, and beyond.   A significant focus is on the proposed Trans-Afghan Railway, connecting Uzbekistan to Pakistan via Afghanistan. This route, expected to be operational by 2030, would reduce transit times drastically, making Uzbekistan a key hub for South Asia-China trade. However, security challenges and investment uncertainties in Afghanistan remain significant obstacles. Meanwhile, Uzbekistan’s collaboration with China on the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway and connections to Gwadar port in Pakistan also position it strategically within China’s Belt and Road Initiative.   The article also examines Uzbekistan’s engagement with Iranian transit routes, particularly the port of Chabahar, which is exempt from sanctions. This offers an alternative for exporting goods while reducing reliance on unstable Afghan transit. However, the sanctions regime against Iran poses logistical challenges for routes involving Bandar Abbas. The Central Asia-Persian Gulf corridor, though operational, faces similar hurdles due to the complexity and costs of multimodal transport.   In conclusion, Uzbekistan’s proactive approach to diversifying trade routes is not only aimed at overcoming its geographic limitations but also at fostering regional economic integration. The multiplier effects of these corridors are expected to benefit all of Central Asia, facilitating greater economic connectivity and development. However, the long-term success of these initiatives will depend on security, funding, and the resolution of geopolitical challenges.   Read the article on Connective Think’s website   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.