At the latest summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in Gabala (Azerbaijan), the heads of state signed the Declaration of the Twelfth Summit. The key provisions of the declaration reflect the intention to develop political and foreign policy cooperation, focus on transport and logistics corridors, energy, and green initiatives, promote digitalization, pay attention to cultural and humanitarian aspects, and strengthen the institutional capacity of the Organization.   For Central Asia, which acts as a regional hub between China, the Caucasus, the Middle East, and Turkey, the declaration creates a practical framework in which countries can become more actively involved in integration projects and strategic initiatives. Central Asia is located at the intersection of many routes connecting East and West. This creates a basis for countries in the region to increase logistics flows, reduce transportation costs, and enhance the attractiveness of their space as a “bridge” between Asia and Europe.   The declaration also emphasizes the need to create “green corridors,” support renewable energy projects, implement a “green transformation,” and develop digital platforms. Such joint measures can bring tangible benefits to the countries of Central Asia, especially if they pool their resources, scientific knowledge, and technologies.   The declaration also emphasizes the importance of economic integration and investment, stating the intention to activate agreements on services and investment activities between the OTS countries and to strengthen the contribution of its Investment Fund. Central Asian countries can take advantage of this by developing interregional value chains, improving conditions for foreign investment, and strengthening small and medium-sized businesses.   Overall, the Gabala Declaration has given Central Asia another chance for closer transport integration with the Caucasus, the Caspian region, Turkey, and further into Europe and Asia. This means that bilateral and multilateral trade could grow, logistics costs could fall, and transit hubs could be strengthened. Joint initiatives in green energy, water security, and renewable energy technology exchange could become drivers of sustainable development. Against this backdrop, Central Asia could strengthen its role as a connecting region between East and West by diving into the transcontinental routes outlined in the declaration. The level of institutional interaction between countries could increase thanks to the emergence of new platforms, coordination between ministries and agencies, and continuous cooperation rather than sporadic meetings.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

A Historic Victory for Japan On October 4, 2025, Sanae Takaichi secured victory in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election, defeating Shinjiro Koizumi by 185 to 156 votes in the runoff. With this win, she becomes Japan’s first female prime minister, marking a transformative moment in the nation’s political history. The leadership race followed the resignation of Shigeru Ishiba and unfolded amid declining public confidence in the LDP, which faced growing pressure to restore economic stability and strengthen Japan’s global standing.   “I have made history within the LDP,” Takaichi said after the results. “Rather than celebrating, I feel the weight of the many challenges ahead that I must face with all of you.”   The Election and the Field of Candidates The LDP leadership election follows a two-round system combining votes from Diet members and party rank-and-file: 590 votes in the first round and 342 in the runoff. Candidates must be sitting LDP lawmakers with at least 20 parliamentary nominations. The 2025 race featured Sanae Takaichi, Shinjiro Koizumi, Yoshimasa Hayashi, Takayuki Kobayashi, and Toshimitsu Motegi. Takaichi’s victory resulted from the consolidation of conservative factions, her clear stance on national security, and broad support from regional party organizations—reflecting a shift within the LDP toward ideological continuity with Shinzo Abe’s legacy, combined with Takaichi’s own emphasis on economic resilience and technological sovereignty.   Following the announcement, Takaichi stated that her feeling was not joy but the weight of responsibility ahead, stressing the need to revitalize the party and transform public anxiety into hope through reforms. At 64, she succeeded on her third attempt, representing the party’s most conservative wing. Her political career began in 2006 under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as Minister for Okinawa and Northern Territories Affairs, later serving as Minister for Gender Equality and Minister for Internal Affairs and Communications.   Often referred to as Japan’s aspiring “Iron Lady,” Takaichi admires Margaret Thatcher’s leadership style and advocates constitutional revision to explicitly recognize the Self-Defense Forces as Japan’s “armed forces.” Economically, she promotes swift measures to counter inflation, favoring flexible tax policies that combine income tax relief and compensations over immediate reductions in the consumption tax.   Foreign Policy Priorities: Security and Sovereignty   Defense and Constitutional Reform Takaichi’s government plans to continue expanding defense spending to over 2% of GDP, with major investments in missile defense, cybersecurity, and space capabilities. She also advocates revising Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution to formally recognize the country’s right to self-defense — a bold move reflecting her commitment to “peace through strength.”   China and Taiwan Takaichi pledges a firm deterrent stance toward China while reinforcing cooperation with the United States and allied nations. Her open engagement with Taiwan, framed as support for democracy and stability, has already prompted cautious responses from Beijing urging Tokyo to “act prudently.”   Strengthening the U.S.–Japan Alliance The U.S.–Japan alliance remains central to her strategy. She plans to expand collaboration in defense technology, talent development, and supply-chain security, while also deepening trilateral cooperation with South Korea and Australia — despite lingering historical sensitivities.   Broader Regional Diplomacy Takaichi aims to elevate Japan’s leadership role across the Indo-Pacific, engaging through ASEAN, QUAD, and G7 frameworks. Her administration will continue humanitarian and infrastructure cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and renew dialogue with the Middle East on energy security and freedom of navigation. In addition, she seeks stronger partnerships with Central Asian countries, particularly in energy development, digital infrastructure, and human capital exchange under the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” vision, aimed at supporting regional stability and balancing external influence in Eurasia.   A New Era of Leadership Takaichi’s election symbolizes both continuity and transformation: continuity in Japan’s strategic direction established under Shinzo Abe, and transformation through her historic role as Japan’s first female leader. Her emphasis on defense, technology, and resilience underscores a determination to position Japan as a proactive, secure, and values-driven democracy in an increasingly tense global environment.   It is noteworthy that on October 4, former Prime Minister and influential Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) figure Taro Aso took a significant political step by urging approximately 43 members of his faction, Shikokai, to support Sanae Takaichi in the second round of the party’s leadership election — a move that considerably strengthened her position within the LDP.   At the same time, Aso has traditionally regarded Central Asia as a key vector of Japan’s foreign policy within the framework of his “Silk Road Diplomacy” concept. He has consistently promoted the “Central Asia + Japan” Dialogue, aimed at enhancing bilateral and multilateral engagement, ensuring regional stability, developing transport and logistics corridors (including the southern route through Afghanistan), and expanding cooperation in the fields of energy, infrastructure, and security.   The coming months will test Takaichi’s ability to balance assertive diplomacy with economic stability. Her leadership will likely redefine Japan’s regional posture — strengthening alliances, promoting innovation, and safeguarding democratic values — while navigating complex relations with China and neighboring powers. As the world watches Japan’s first female prime minister step onto the global stage, her administration promises a new era of resolve, responsibility, and revitalization.   Japan’s Immigration Policy and Political Dynamics under Sanae Takaichi The regulation of foreign residents, which emerged as a central issue during the July House of Councillors elections, remains one of the most salient topics in contemporary Japanese politics. Sanae Takaichi, newly elected as the president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has prioritized a stricter immigration policy, emphasizing measures against illegal residency and the regulation of land acquisitions by foreign nationals. Her position aligns closely with that of the Japan Innovation Party (Ishin) and the Democratic Party for the People (DPP), creating potential opportunities for interparty collaboration in advancing these initiatives.   At the same time, the stance of the Komeito Party, the LDP’s coalition partner, which places a stronger emphasis on coexistence with foreign residents rather than tightening restrictions, may become a source of tension within the ruling alliance. Komeito leader Tetsuo Saito has already expressed concern, underscoring the necessity of achieving consensus on key policy principles regarding foreign residents to maintain coalition stability.   Takaichi has announced her intention to strengthen the Office for the Promotion of Coexistence with Foreign Nationals and to expand the staff of the Immigration Services Agency to enhance enforcement capacity. In her speech delivered on the day of the presidential election announcement, Sanae Takaichi opened with a reference to an incident in which a foreign national allegedly kicked a deer in her hometown’s Nara Park, thereby symbolically demonstrating her strong determination to tighten Japan’s immigration policy.   Opposition parties have also voiced support for stricter control measures and for the introduction of an anti-espionage law, making the issues of migration and national security likely focal points of Japan’s future political debates.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In alignment with President Trump’s campaign promises to be tough on immigration and protect American workers, his administration announced last week a $100,000 one-time H-1B visa fee, a massive increase from the previous $2,000-$5,000 fee. The H-1B visa program is intended to recruit highly skilled, highly paid foreign talent to supplement American companies, specifically in critical science, technology, engineering, and math fields. In 2024, about 400,000 H-1B applications were approved, with about 73% from India and 12% from China. No other birthplace accounted for even 2% of H-1B workers, with two from Uzbekistan in FY 2025.   The H-1B visa program began after World War II under the guise of “Operation Paperclip” where the US recruited about 1,600 Nazi scientists from Germany to simultaneously burgeon America’s nascent nuclear industry and disable post-Nazi Germany. Today, US China hawks suggest reforming the H-1B program into a “Second Operation Paperclip” to recruit top scientists to counter to the growing number of material science, physics, and chemistry research coming out of China.   On October 1, China officially introduced a new  “K-Visa” designed to recruit young science and technology talent from graduates in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) and young professional engaged in relevant research. The K-Visa is unlike other skilled immigration programs by not requiring a Chinese employer or inviter at the application stage, appealing to young graduates and entrepreneurs without formal job offers. Beijing announced its visa on August 7, weeks before Trump announced the H-1B visa fee, but geopolitical tensions are undeniable in the global competition in science and technology. seeing highly skilled tech workers as national security assets.   The White House’s proclamation stated that the H-1B visa program “has been deliberately exploited to replace, rather than supplement, American workers with lower-paid, lower-skilled labor,” undermining American economic and national security.  Accordingly, the fee is intended to put scarcity around H-1B applications, giving advantage to American citizens and encouraging only highly specialized and skilled foreign applicants to bolster American companies.   The Trump administration justifies its H-1B overhaul due to the widespread manipulation by information technology (IT) outsourcing companies. While Amazon remains the top employer of H-1B approvals, the majority of employers filling H-1B slots are foreign companies such as Cognizant (93k), Infosys (61k), Tata Consultancy Services (60k). Silicon Valley venture capitalist Chamath Palihapitiya stated that these outsourcing consulting companies have “gamed the system”  through perfecting the application process and gaining the bulk of H-1Bs over American companies.   Similarly, supporters of the executive order contend that in practice, H-1Bs are not being awarded to the program’s intended high skilled engineers and AI researchers. Since FY 2020, the average salary for an H-1B visa holder is slightly under $120,000 – a salary surpassed by most executive assistants at tech startups. Jason Calacanis, an early investor in Uber, described the IT sector’s widespread abuse of the visa program, calling it a form of “indentured servitude” where companies will grant H-1Bs to lower skilled workers, underpaying and overworking them under the threat of visa revocation, supporting the high fee to discourage artificial wage suppression and labor abuse.    Those against the new executive order prescience a US “brain drain” in vital industries through the loss of engineers, doctors, and researchers. Nearly a quarter of US physicians are international medical graduates, and hospitals are petitioning the Department of Homeland Security to grant exemptions for health care workers. Additionally, in alignment with the rest of the US administration’s anti-immigration discourse, it signals an unwelcoming environment and discourages young talent away from the US and towards China.   Like the reactions to most of Trump’s polices, moderates tend to support the reform, but not in execution. California representative Ro Khanna suggests that the blanket $100,000 fee places an unfair burden onto start-ups, non-profits, and universities, while acknowledging the systematic abuse by IT firms able to “game” the application system.   The MAGA rift divides tech pundits – notably, Musk and Ramaswamy – who support foreign recruitment as “essential for America to keep winning,” against long-time Republicans demanding less immigration and more investment in American workers. Despite Republican division over reform or removal of the H-1B visa program, Trump continues to defend the program and immigration recruitment more broadly, stating in the past that he would like to “staple green cards onto US diplomas.”   Most American voters see “immigration” in singularity, encompassing all people seeking to start a new life abroad. However, immigration can and should be considered and granted for different grounds: asylum, family, talent recruitment, labor needs. At minimum, Trump’s H-1B reform and partisan disagreement is bringing necessary nuance to the dialogue and debate on US immigration policy.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

By Fayziddin Qutbiddinov   The latest SCO summit, held in China in 2025, represents an important stage in the development of multilateral diplomacy in Eurasia. Against the backdrop of intensifying competition among global and major powers and the transformation of the international order, the meeting of SCO member state leaders takes on significant effect, both in terms of regional security and economic relations. Although the SCO summit is positioned as a mechanism to strengthen regional cooperation, in Western political circles the process is often perceived as a tool for bolstering the influence of Russia and China on the Eurasian continent.   According to preliminary statements by NATO Secretary General M. Rutte, NATO points to the growing role of China, Iran, and North Korea in their relations with the collective West, expanding defence cooperation to signal readiness for permanent confrontation with the Western alliance, while simultaneously forcing the transatlantic countries into a long and exhausting confrontation. Based on these assessments, he emphasized that the model of the war in Ukraine could be replicated on other fronts, escalating tensions between the Western bloc and the so-called alliance of autocracies.   According to DW’s analysis, the option proposed by China to enhance regional and international cooperation does not provide absolute guarantees to allies in the implementation of economic and trade agreements, leaving room for flexible interpretation and potential disagreements over the execution of key provisions.   Sinologist A. Chigadayev noted that Kim Jong-un’s visit to China was perceived not only as a political trip, but also as a signal of the legitimacy of his power on the international stage, strengthening his authority in meetings with leaders of major powers. China is North Korea’s key strategic partner in regional security, and the visit demonstrated that the North Korean leader’s regime remains stable and is supported by a strong ally.   Particular attention should be paid to the fact that the SCO summit in China is perceived by a broad Western audience as a strategic move by Beijing to consolidate its role as a competing global leader. China does not limit itself to promoting its own model of economic and political development, the ‘Chinese path’, but actively uses the summit as a platform for shaping new vectors of regional and international cooperation. This is confirmed by the participation of strong regional players, including Russia, India, and other key Eurasian states, which demonstrates the willingness of major regional powers to align with Chinese investment initiatives and strategic projects. Moreover, the summit enables China not only to strengthen its influence in the process of developing joint regional decisions, but also to shape norms and rules that may compete with the existing international standards promoted by Western powers.   Thus, the summit serves as an instrument for legitimizing China’s leadership on the world stage, signalling Beijing’s readiness to actively participate in creating a parallel world order and building the global architecture of contemporary politics. This, in turn, compels the West to closely monitor China’s actions and to develop strategies for engagement with Eurasia.   Alongside expanding its international influence at the summit, China also sought to underscore the technological leadership of its military. According to Carlotta Rinaudo of the International Security Studies Group (Verona), the military showcase in Beijing went beyond a traditional display and turned into a futuristic spectacle. China demonstrated the potential of its armed forces to combine human capabilities with robotic systems, outlining technological leadership in future warfare—while also boosting the domestic prestige of the military and sending a signal to the international community about the country’s growing strategic potential.   Developing this idea, analysts stressed that the vacuum of influence caused by the hesitancy of the American leader created conditions for stronger regional and strategic ties between China and Russia. A vivid confirmation of this is the growth of trade turnover between the two countries, the conclusion of economic agreements, and the implementation of transport projects carried out jointly in the early years of Joe Biden’s presidency.   According to Pete Hegseth, Washington’s main task is to maintain strategic superiority in the military domain, on land, at sea, in the air, and even in space, where the U.S. leads by outpacing competitors through the import of high-tech weaponry and innovative defence systems. At the same time, he noted that Donald Trump had constructive and working relations with Xi Jinping.” These contacts, in his view, could serve as a foundation for seeking opportunities for cooperation and reducing tensions, despite the ongoing strategic rivalry between Washington and Beijing.   In conclusion, the participation of China’s strong regional and strategic partners and the confirmation of their readiness not only to deepen bilateral and multilateral ties, but also to create alternative forms of international cooperation at the SCO summit, to some extent, indicates that this has generated considerable resonance within the Western political and expert community. At the same time, we see that some experts view this event rather sceptically, describing it merely as another occasion for taking photographs.   As Western experts understand it, the summit demonstrated the determination of Eurasian states to place their stake on strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation and building new economic and political architectures capable of competing with Western institutions. Moreover, it confirmed the growing role of China and its strategic partners in international politics, where they are increasingly claiming the status of independent centers of power capable of influencing the formation of a new world order.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

On September 22, President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev met with Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala in New York to discuss issues related to Uzbekistan's accession to the WTO. The WTO chief noted the significant progress made by Uzbekistan and expressed hope that all accession procedures would be completed by March 2026.   Uzbekistan applied for WTO membership in 1994. However, in 2005, the accession process was suspended due to the import substitution policy in place at the time. The process resumed in March 2018 after an official application was submitted to the WTO Secretariat. Today, Uzbekistan is at an advanced stage of the accession process. The country plans to join the WTO before the start of the 14th Ministerial Conference, which will be held in Cameroon in 2026. Bilateral negotiations have been completed and market access protocols have been signed with 29 countries. According to Azizbek Urunov, the president’s representative on WTO issues, only three countries remain to fully complete bilateral negotiations. Uzbekistan is actively pursuing reforms aimed at bringing national legislation into line with WTO requirements. These reforms concern the areas of trade in goods, services, intellectual property, and agriculture.   Uzbekistan’s accession to the WTO will accelerate market reforms, increase the predictability of national economic policy, and create the conditions for growth in exports and investment and increased economic productivity. However, in light of increased protectionism on the part of the world's leading economies and the unfolding of trade wars, many experts are skeptical about the future of the multilateral trading system. According to Michael Froman, president of the US Council on Foreign Relations, “The global trading system as we knew it is dead. The WTO has effectively ceased to function because it is unable to negotiate, monitor, or enforce the commitments of its member countries”.   As an alternative to the current multilateral trade regulation system, he proposes “building a new system around open plurilateralism: coalitions of countries that have common interests in certain areas and come together to adopt high standards on specific issues, while remaining open to other countries that share these interests and are willing to implement such standards”. Froman notes that the advantages of the new system are its flexibility and adaptability. At the same time, the proposed system is inferior to the current one in terms of economic efficiency, since its benefits will be distributed only among the participating countries. There is also a risk of a “spaghetti effect” arising from the fact that the same countries may be parties to different plurilateral agreements and have conflicting obligations. Despite these shortcomings, Froman believes that such a network may prove to be more politically stable than a multilateral trading system.   In her speech at a meeting organized by the Peterson Institute for International Economics (USA), WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala emphasized that while many have already declared the “death of the WTO”, others see this as an opportunity to build a stronger and more sustainable trading system. Despite the disruption of global trade due to unilateral measures, the WTO “remains alive”. Before the rise of protectionism by the US and the introduction of retaliatory measures by other countries, 80% of world trade was conducted on the basis of most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment. Currently, this figure has fallen to 72%. At the same time, 75% of world trade in goods is still conducted under WTO terms, which demonstrates the resilience of the multilateral system in times of global uncertainty.   The WTO Director-General noted the need to reform the WTO system to make it more flexible. “My agenda for the next term is to preserve what works, reform what doesn’t, and look to the future by creating new rules and agreements to increase the benefits of international trade”, she emphasized.   Despite the current tensions in global trade, a multilateral agreement on fisheries, ratified by 114 WTO member countries, has come into force for the first time in eight years, demonstrating their commitment to achieving sustainable development through the establishment of new trade rules. At the same time, active work is underway within the WTO platform to conclude a number of plurilateral agreements, for example, in the field of e-commerce. In other words, coalitions of member countries are being formed within the WTO to conclude new agreements aimed at addressing specific issues. According to Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, some WTO members are concerned about the focus on concluding plurilateral agreements, as they may undermine the significance of multilateral agreements. She stressed that there is no need to fear this, as there is a need for a “basket of different tools” to increase the flexibility and resilience of the WTO. Therefore, coalitions of different countries are welcome in the WTO; they do not create a parallel system, but complement the existing mechanism.   The WTO Secretary-General noted that the global trading system was created to ensure the interdependence of countries and has proven its effectiveness over the past 80 years. In particular, as a result of the development of global trade based on transparent regulatory rules, more than 1.5 billion people have been lifted out of absolute poverty. It is now important to ensure the sustainable development of the global economy with a focus on reducing “over-dependence” on individual suppliers and markets. Therefore, the WTO supports the creation of coalitions of members aimed at reducing “over-dependence” and decentralizing supply chains with the broad involvement of countries with relatively low incomes.   Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala expressed her hope that at the Fourteenth Ministerial Conference in Cameroon, WTO member countries would reach a consensus and adopt a package of key reforms that would strengthen the effectiveness of the multilateral trading system. By becoming a full member of the WTO, Uzbekistan will be able to contribute to the improvement of international trade rules, taking into account national interests for the benefit of the prosperity of the people. Uzbekistan’s strategic goal is not only to join the WTO as a new member, but also to become an initiator of the renewal of its rules. The WTO remains the most effective platform for establishing “rules of the game”, and plurilateralism is a key tool for their rapid improvement. The country’s task is to skillfully use these resources to achieve sustainable development and protect its national interests.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s address at the 80th session of the UN General Assembly signaled a qualitative shift in Central Asia’s path toward regional consolidation. His statement that the region has “transformed from a space of closed borders and unresolved disputes into a zone of peace, good-neighborliness, and partnership” carries not only symbolic, but also practical significance.   Since 2017, the region has achieved results once deemed unattainable. Over eight years, the volume of mutual trade, investment, and transport flows has increased fivefold. Joint investment funds and cross-border trade zones have been established, industrial cooperation mechanisms developed, and major infrastructure projects launched. For the international community, Central Asia now exemplifies how political will and regional solidarity can reshape an entire geopolitical landscape.   Equally important is the emergence of a new regional identity. For the first time in its modern history, Central Asia is positioning itself not as an object of external strategies, but as an autonomous subject of international relations. This is reflected in the growth of regional agency, the articulation of a common agenda, and the advancement of initiatives generated from within the region itself.   Particular weight in President Mirziyoyev’s address was given to practical proposals: holding an international forum on Central Asian economic development under the auspices of ECOSOC and UNCTAD; establishing a regional hub for green technologies in partnership with UNIDO; developing joint programs on the rational use of water resources and demographic sustainability. These initiatives align seamlessly with the global sustainable development agenda and demonstrate the region’s readiness not only to address its own challenges, but also to contribute to resolving issues of global concern.   Of strategic importance is the proposal to adopt a UN General Assembly resolution supporting the efforts of Central Asian states to deepen regional partnership and economic integration. Such a resolution would consolidate the achievements of recent years at the level of international law and further strengthen the region’s standing as a zone of sustainable peace and development.   In sum, Central Asia is entering an era of implementation. The region has moved from symbolic declarations to tangible outcomes and concrete initiatives, shaping its own model of consolidation while steadily expanding its influence on international processes.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.