The Center for American Studies is a structural subdivision of the Institute for Advanced International Studies, which organizes and conducts research, information and analytical activities, as well as provide educational and methodological assistance to students and teachers of the University of World Economy and Diplomacy (UWED) on the domestic and foreign policy of the United States and the countries of North and South America.
The main objectives of the Center are:
Participation in the development of cooperation in the field of politics, security, economy and the human dimension within the framework of the Strategic Partnership Dialogue between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the United States; constant monitoring of key areas and events of U.S. domestic and foreign policy affecting the national interests of the Republic of Uzbekistan; studying the activities of leading national and international centers specializing in the study of the United States.
Systematic study of a wide range of issues related to key aspects of historical, socio-economic development, domestic and foreign policy, scientific and technological progress, foreign trade activities of the United States based on qualitative analysis, reasoned conclusions and judgments, a balanced assessment of the state and prospects of development of the American state and society.
Study of the legislative process in the United States, in particular, the role, prerogatives and mechanisms of interaction of various branches of government in decision-making on a wide range of issues of domestic and foreign policy, inter-party relations, as well as the electoral system and election campaigns.
Generalization and analysis of methods and approaches to the management process practiced in the United States in various fields, including taking into account the ongoing changes in the scientific and technical sphere.
Study of various aspects of national security, including in the military, social, and economic spheres; issues of regional development; the place and role of the United States in international politics; systems of value and political criteria in America; evaluation of the activities of lobbying structures, research centers, philanthropic foundations and sponsorship organizations in the United States and preparation of recommendations for establishing partnerships with them.
Systematization of factors influencing the dynamics and transformation of US domestic and foreign policy, assessment of the conflict potential in the domestic political life of the country, its impact on decision-making, both at the federal and local levels.
Preparation of political portraits of leading American politicians and public figures.
Conducting scientific and expert forums on topical issues of American studies.
Development and implementation in the educational and scientific process of the methodology of an interdisciplinary approach aimed at obtaining a systematic understanding and expanding knowledge about different aspects of the life of American society in their totality and interrelation, about the factors and mechanisms of U.S. policy formation within the country and in the world.
Participation in the formation of the University's development strategy based on the preparation and implementation of proposals on priority areas in educational, scientific and international activities in order to increase the competitiveness and rating of the University at the national and international level.
Main functions of the Center:
Implementation of research activities, development of theoretical, methodological and practical approaches to research and analytical processes.
Discussion and dissemination of the scientific results of the Center through the organization and holding of seminars, round tables, open lectures, participation in national and international conferences.
Publication of educational and methodological materials, scientific articles and the formation of collections of scientific papers based on them.
Development of a list of topics for theses and obtaining scientific degrees in American studies.
Involvement of the teaching staff, postgraduates, undergraduates, students of UWED in the research activities of the Center.
Establishment of partnerships with specialized research and educational structures of foreign countries, study of their work experience; development of projects and programs of joint fundamental and applied research; preparation of documentation for international grants; involvement of qualified specialists and teachers from abroad in scientific and educational processes.
Development and creation of an information base for scientific research.
Mr. Ulugbek Ishankhodjaev is the head of the Center for American Studies at the Institute for Advanced International Studies affiliated with the University of World Economy and Diplomacy, where he also lectures on the subject of American Government.
Mr. Ishankhojaev has extensive experience of working in public agencies of the Republic of Uzbekistan, such as the Office of the President and the Academy of Sciences. In his Foreign Service career, he worked as a Head of the Department of Americas and the Department of Europe at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He served two tours of duty as Deputy Chief of Mission at the Uzbek Embassy in Washington, D.C. as well as at the Uzbek Embassy to Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg and a mission to NATO.
This article was co-authored with Professor Joscimar Souza Silva from the Political Science Institute, University of Brasília
Brazil has been increasingly asserting its role on the global stage, seeking to become a key player in both political and economic affairs. The country is a prominent member of the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), where it advocates for the reform of international economic institutions and the strengthening of economic ties among developing nations. Through BRICS, Brazil has been promoting multipolarity and greater representation for emerging economies in global governance. Brazil’s foreign policy has also shown a growing focus on expanding its influence in regions beyond Latin America. This strategic outreach is part of Brazil’s broader effort to diversify its international partnerships and assert its presence in global South-South cooperation frameworks. The relationship between Brazil and the countries of Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, is a fascinating example of cross-regional diplomacy and cooperation. Despite geographical distance and distinct historical trajectories, Brazil and Central Asian states have found common ground in promoting economic collaboration, cultural exchange, and multilateral diplomacy.
When it comes to Uzbekistan, despite historically modest trade volumes, the country’s economic relations with Brazil show significant growth potential. On August 17, 2015, the Agreement on Economic and Trade Cooperation between the Government of Uzbekistan and the Government of Brazil entered into force[1]. This agreement lays the foundation for strengthening bilateral trade and economic relations between the two countries. In 2023, the trade turnover between Uzbekistan and Brazil amounted to $656.6 million[2]. In 2023, Brazil’s imports from Uzbekistan amounted to approximately $413.1 million[3]. Brazil’s exports to Uzbekistan mainly include agricultural products such as sugar, tobacco, grains, and meat, as well as machinery and equipment[4]. In turn, Uzbekistan exports textiles, cotton, and plastics to Brazil.
The international financial institutions (IFIs) support Uzbekistan’s efforts to transition to a market economy, aiming to enhance private sector participation in key sectors and reduce state dominance. These reforms are expected to improve economic opportunities and facilitate trade growth with partners like Brazil, especially in agriculture and energy sectors. To support these efforts, the World Bank alone has provided financial assistance amounting to $800 million in concessional loans[5].
Brazil and Central Asia could engage in resource and expertise exchange in key sectors. Brazil could import oil and gas from Central Asia, while the region could benefit from Brazil’s advanced agricultural technologies. Central Asia is already exploring ways to diversify its economy and access new markets, making Brazil an attractive partner for trade and investment. Given that both parties have competitive export sectors, they can negotiate mutually beneficial trade agreements. Infrastructure development is another crucial area for potential cooperation. Brazil has extensive experience in implementing large-scale infrastructure projects—from roads and bridges to ports and railway networks. Some of the most significant infrastructure projects in Brazil include the Trans-Amazonian Highway (BR-230), the Port of Santos Expansion, the North-South Railway (Ferrovia Norte-Sul) and the São Francisco River Transposition Project. This expertise could be beneficial for Central Asian countries as they continue to develop their transportation systems and logistics infrastructure to enhance regional integration and attract international investments. In agriculture and major infrastructure projects, Brazil is also learning about the socio-environmental impacts and challenges of climate change, and is a pioneer in the transition to green energy[6].
Furthermore, Kazakhstan is the world’s leading uranium producer, largely through its national atomic company, Kazatomprom, could collaborate with Brazil in the field of energy. In 2023, Kazakhstan produced approximately 20,500 to 21,500 tons of uranium on a 100% basis, which represents the total production volume of all entities in which Kazatomprom has an interest[7]. This production is expected to increase to between 21,000 and 22,500 tons in 2024. Kazatomprom accounts for about 20% of the global primary uranium production, making it the largest producer in the world[8].
In the same vein, Turkmenistan is a significant player in the natural gas market. The country expanding its natural gas production to meet both domestic and international demands by increasing its gas production by an additional 60 billion cubic meters in the coming years[9]. The development of the Galkynysh gas field, one of the world’s largest, is central to this strategy[10]. This expansion will enable Turkmenistan to significantly boost its exports, including to new markets through strategic projects such as the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline. These initiatives present valuable opportunities for Brazil to invest in and partner with Turkmenistan in the energy sector.
Tajikistan has significant hydroelectric potential due to its mountainous terrain and numerous downstream rivers, while Brazil has extensive experience in hydroelectric power generation and renewable energy technologies. A notable example of Brazil’s expertise is the Itaipu Dam, shared between Brazil and Paraguay, one of the largest hydroelectric projects in the world, located on the Paraná River[11]. This dam, with a capacity of 14,000 megawatts[12], is a symbol of Brazil’s capability in managing complex hydropower infrastructure. Tajikistan, in turn, is developing the Rogun Dam, which, upon completion, will be the tallest dam in the world and have a generating capacity of 3,600 megawatts[13]. Collaboration between the two countries could involve technical support, best practices sharing, and strategic partnerships to optimize the construction and operation of large-scale hydro projects like Rogun. With regard to hydroelectric plants, it is essential to understand the socio-environmental impacts involved at all stages of the process, especially during implementation, the phase with the greatest risk[14].
Additionally, Brazil’s experience with smaller-scale hydro projects[15], which have been crucial in providing sustainable energy to rural areas, could be adapted to Tajikistan’s context. For example, Brazil’s development of mini and micro hydropower plants could be replicated in Tajikistan to electrify remote mountainous regions, thereby reducing reliance on fossil fuels. Furthermore, Brazil’s comprehensive approach to integrating renewable energy into its national grid—illustrated by programs like PROINFA[16], which promotes wind, biomass, and small hydro projects—could serve as a model for Tajikistan to diversify its energy portfolio. This collaboration would not only enhance Tajikistan’s energy capacity but also strengthen bilateral ties, leveraging Brazil’s expertise in sustainable energy solutions and Tajikistan’s natural hydropower resources.
In recent years, Central Asian countries have taken steps to improve trade conditions and reduce barriers for exports and imports. Within the framework of the B5+1 format, these countries aim to establish a free trade zone, which could open up additional opportunities for trade with Brazil and larger MERCOSUR trade block. Another potential aspect of bilateral relations could be cultural exchange and the development of educational programs. Establishing direct ties between universities in Brazil and Central Asia would enable students to exchange knowledge and experiences, conduct joint research, and open new opportunities for young professionals. Brazil already has experience participating in educational programs in other developing countries.
Cooperation could be carried out, for instance, within the framework of the program, which constitutes one of the key initiatives—the Post Graduate Student/ Covenant Program (PEC-PG). This program offers full PhD scholarships to professors, researchers, and professionals from developing countries that have cooperation agreements with Brazil in education, culture, science, and technology[17] in 112 public universities with free education and grants to encourage research and permanence in higher education and postgraduate studies. This program aims to enhance the qualifications of these professionals to support the development of their home countries. Cultural ties are also important to consider. Brazil is a country with a rich cultural heritage, while Central Asia has a remarkable cultural legacy, including contributions to science, art, and literature. Organizing joint cultural events such as exhibitions, concerts, and festivals could strengthen mutual understanding and stimulate tourism between the regions.
In addition to education and cultural exchange, collaboration on sustainable development is crucial. In the era of globalization, it is vital to address global challenges such as climate change, desertification, environmental pollution, and food security. Brazil is one of the world’s leading agricultural countries, specializing in the export of agricultural products such as soybeans, sugar, coffee, meat, and corn. Its expertise in agribusiness could be highly beneficial for Central Asian countries, many of which are still striving to modernize their agriculture and increase productivity. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, in particular, are major producers of cotton, wheat, and other agricultural products, but their agricultural sectors need innovative technologies and management systems to enhance efficiency.
Figure 1: Comparison of the Economies of Brazil and CA Countries
In the last two decades, Brazil has also advanced in digital transformation. Today, Brazil has one of the most advanced electoral systems, using electronic ballot boxes since 2000, despite being a young democracy of just over 36 years[18]. It also has one of the most advanced banking and payment systems, as well as a broad program for offering and integrating digital public services, which include everything from digital personal signature services to advanced systems for transparency of public accounts via government websites and open data systems. Brazil’s long experience in digital transformation, given its population and economic size, can serve as a model for other countries, such as those in Central Asia.
In sum, specific cooperation areas between Brazil and Central Asia could include the following:
Despite the lucrative prospects, there are also challenges that need to be addressed to deepen cooperation between Brazil and Central Asia. One of the challenges is geographical distance. Both sides are located on different continents, and trade and economic ties may face logistical difficulties related to the transportation of goods and the organization of joint projects. More active diplomatic engagement is also required. This includes strengthening existing diplomatic channels, opening new embassies and trade missions, and intensifying intergovernmental negotiations. It is also essential to create favorable conditions for investors and simplify business procedures between countries. Nevertheless, the potential for growth and development of partnership relations between Brazil and the Central Asian countries is substantial. Cooperation in energy, agribusiness, tourism, education and digital transformation could significantly strengthen the economies of both regions and lead to mutual benefits on the global stage.
[1] https://www.norma.uz/novoe_v_zakonodatelstve/s_braziliey_ustanovlen_blagopriyatnyy_rejim_sotrudnichestva
[2] https://en.trend.az/casia/uzbekistan/3912963.html
[3] https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/imports/uzbekistan
[4] https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/exports/uzbekistan
[5]https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2023/12/08/uzbekistan-s-transition-to-market-economy-to-accelerate-by-strategic-reforms-supported-by-the-world-bank
[6] https://agenciagov.ebc.com.br/noticias/202408/plano-unifica-acoes-de-estado-para-politica-energetica-mais-verde-e-inclusiva
[7]https://www.kazatomprom.kz/en/media/view/finansovie_rezultati_ao_nak_kazatomprom_za_1e_polugodie_2024_goda_i_obnovlenie_proizvodstvennih_planov_na_2025_god
[8]https://www.kazatomprom.kz/en/media/view/kazatomprom_4Q23_operations_and_trading_update
[9]https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/74532/turkmenistan-plans-increase-gas-production-60-billion-cubic-meters-near-future
[10]https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/74532/turkmenistan-plans-increase-gas-production-60-billion-cubic-meters-near-future
[11] https://www.itaipu.gov.br/en/nossahistoria
[12] https://www.itaipu.gov.br/en/nossahistoria
[13] https://www.power-technology.com/projects/rogun-hydropower-plant/
[14] https://periodicos.unb.br/index.php/sust/article/view/40635/33074
[15] https://energypedia.info/wiki/Small_Hydro_Power_(SHP)_Brazil_-_Institutional_Set-up
[16]https://www.researchgate.net/publication/224384110_The_Brazilian_Renewable_Energy_Incentive_Program_-_The_Second_Phase_of_the_PROINFA_Assessing_Policy_Efficiency_And_Barriers_in_Long-term_Scenarios
[17]https://www.gov.br/capes/en/access-to-information/actions-and-programs/scholarships-and-students/international-cooperation-programs/multinational/post-graduate-student-covenant-program-pec-pg
[18] https://www.tse.jus.br/comunicacao/noticias/2023/Janeiro/urna-eletronica-de-2000-permitiu-a-primeira-eleicao-100-informatizada
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The emergence of a multipolar world and the establishment of a neo-colonial order bring to the forefront issues regarding the future prospects of existing international organizations such as the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Amidst current geopolitical tensions, the Commonwealth faces turbulence due to the absence of a cohesive strategic vision for its development, further exacerbated by political challenges, economic crises, and ideological conflicts.
Political differences. Diverging viewpoints among CIS members are evident in their systematic absence from the Council of Heads of State summits, with Armenia, Ukraine, and Moldova consistently missing these meetings for several years. Although Armenia remains a member, Prime Minister N. Pashinyan has not attended since 2022, expressing dissatisfaction with Russia’s role in the Karabakh conflict, which favored Azerbaijan. Consequently, Yerevan views the CIS as an ineffective organization, incapable of resolving internal political disputes, and has indicated intentions to exit the organization[1].
Despite this, Russian President Vladimir Putin views the CIS as “a reliable, in-demand, and effective format of cooperation,” even though the summits have devolved into formalities. According to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Diplomatic Academy, only 2% of the agreements signed within the CIS framework have a tangible impact. Western experts warn that if the organization, dominated by Russia, fails to expand its influence, it risks losing relevance on the global stage[2]. This concern is underscored by efforts among Central Asian CIS members to diversify their economies, comply with Western sanctions, and reduce reliance on Russia[3]. Russia’s narrative suggests that the United States and the European Union are encouraging regional distance from Moscow, with fears that Western powers could provoke conflict in Central Asia to justify NATO intervention. To counter this, Moscow has intensified military cooperation with Kyrgyzstan, a Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) member, with the Kyrgyz parliament ratifying an agreement for a unified air defense system with Russia before the 2023 CIS leaders’ summit[4].
Economic challenges. The CIS member states possess significant combined resources, accounting for nearly 30% of global natural gas and coal reserves, 20% of oil, 36% of uranium, 20% of gold, and 13% of arable land. Yet, they have not eliminated trade barriers or fostered favorable tariff conditions. Most members, excluding Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan, have signed the CIS Free Trade Area (FTA), which reduces import duties on numerous goods. However, mutual trade between CIS FTA members accounts for only 11.9% of their total trade volume, signaling a preference for global trade over regional cooperation. For Russia, CIS countries constitute over a third of its foreign trade. Despite this, from 2010 to 2023, total foreign trade among FTA members grew by 25%, while mutual trade increased by only 8%, illustrating a growing focus on external markets over intra-CIS trade[5].
The CIS’s primary economic framework, the “Strategy for Economic Development of the Commonwealth of Independent States until 2030,” aims to promote sustainable economic growth and improve living standards within member states. However, this strategy lacks legal obligations and primarily complements agreements under the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In recent years, disintegration trends have prevailed, with slowed trade and economic activities among CIS members.
Cultural and value motives. Ongoing tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as territorial disputes between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, diminish the CIS’s appeal to non-Western actors. Experts suggest that, due to Moscow’s waning influence in the South Caucasus, Russia is focusing on Central Asia, leveraging summits to reinforce its regional presence and preserve the status of the Russian language. During the 2023 CIS summit in Bishkek, an agreement was signed to establish an International Russian Language Organization, emphasizing this cultural priority[6].
A significant factor influencing the CIS is the presence of over ten million workers from member countries in Russia, which has substantial economic implications, with remittances to their home countries exceeding $4 billion annually. However, anti-immigrant sentiment is growing in Russia, where 51% of the population opposes living with CIS migrants[7]. In 2023, crimes committed by CIS citizens increased by 6.5% compared to the previous year, further straining relations[8].
Analysts foresee several potential development models for the CIS, all of which will ultimately depend on Russia’s political and economic actions[9]. Three primary scenarios are identified:
Status quo preservation: The CIS continues operating without significant political or structural changes, functioning as a formal dialogue platform for post-Soviet leaders.
Stagnation and reintegration: A phase of stagnation, followed by potential reintegration processes. However, this scenario is unlikely without a firm stance from Russia, which may reduce CIS membership as the geopolitical memory of the Soviet Union fades in former republics. Russia’s failure to develop a comprehensive post-Soviet engagement strategy contributes to this outcome.
Continued stagnation: The Commonwealth structures and relations remain stagnant, with increasing emphasis on bilateral relations rather than multilateral cooperation. In this case, the CIS may gradually dissolve, transitioning into a more flexible, interstate network characterized by both cooperation and rivalry.
In conclusion, the CIS faces an uncertain future. Its declining membership and limited regional influence raise concerns, particularly among full members wary of Russia’s dominance. Rather than serving as an effective alliance for regional development, the CIS increasingly symbolizes Russia’s desire to maintain its influence over the region.
[1] Гордейчик, А., О Нынешнем Состоянии СНГ и Перспективах Его Развития. Retrieved from: https://evolutio.info/ru/journal-menu/1999-1/1999-1-gordeychik
[2] Попов В.И. Современная дипломатия: теория и практика. Дипломатия – наука и искусство: курс лекций –3-е изд. – Москва: международные отношения, 2022.
[3] Caspian Policy Center, CPC. (March 2023) The Beginning of An End to the CIS? Retrieved from: https://www.caspianpolicy.org/research/security/the-beginning-of-an-end-to-the-cis
[4] Russia-Kyrgyzstan Agreement on a Joint Regional Air Defence System Ratified by the Dum (2023) Retrieved from: https://pacsto.org/events/soglashenie-mezhdu-rf-i-kyrgyzstanom-o-sozdanii.
[5] Статкомитет СНГ (2024). Retrieved from: https://new.cisstat.org/cis-countries
[6] Daryo.uz, Kazakhstan’s President Proposes International Russian Language Organization at CIS Summit, Daryo.Uz, October 13, 2023b.
[7] Kirillova, K., Anti-Immigrant Sentiments in Russia Lurk Behind Deep Social Issues, Jamestown, May 9, 2024.
[8] Asia-Plus, A., Uzbekistan Tops CIS Member Nations in Terms of Number of Crimes Committed in Russia, Tajikistan News ASIA-Plus.
[9] Тезисы Совета по внешней и оборонной политике (2005). «Содружество Независимых Государств: Есть ли будущее?» Retrieved from: https://svop.ru/public/docs_2005_11_21_1350646825.pdf
The commentary was prepared by IAIS research intern Malika Khakimova under the supervision of Fazliddin Djamalov.
From June 23 to 26,2024 the President of Mongolia, Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh, paid a state visit to Uzbekistan. The main agenda of the negotiations between the leaders of Mongolia and Uzbekistan focused on prospects for expanding multifaceted cooperation between the countries and intensifying political dialogue.
During the visit, the two countries signed 14 intergovernmental documents, including agreements on trade and economic cooperation, air and road transportation, tourism, agriculture, science, and culture.
Consequently, the following key trends aimed at intensifying relations between Uzbekistan and Mongolia can be highlighted:
[1] EUCAM. (2012, July 4). Mongolia’s quest for third neighbors.. Why the European Union? Retrieved from https://eucentralasia.eu/mongolias-quest-for-third-neighbours-why-the-european-union-ru/
[2] European External Action Service. (2022, November 14). Josep Borrell: We are actively working on building a stronger, broader, and modern partnership with five Central Asian countries.
[3] European Commission. (n.d.). Mongolia. Retrieved from https://international-partnerships.ec.europa.eu/countries/mongolia_en
[4] Panfilova, V. (2024, June 23). Mongolia seeks access to the sea through Uzbekistan. Nezavisimaya Gazeta. Retrieved from https://www.ng.ru/cis/2024-06-23/8_9033_sea.html
[5] Ministry of Agriculture of the Republic of Uzbekistan. (2022, August 27). Student exchange was established between agricultural universities of Mongolia and Uzbekistan. Retrieved from https://www.agro.uz/ru/11-0395/
[6] Kun.uz. (2024, June 24). Uzbekistan and Mongolia to prepare an agreement on preferential trade. Retrieved from https://kun.uz/ru/news/2024/06/24/uzbekistan-i-mongoliya-podgotovyat-soglasheniye-o-preferensialnoy-torgovle
[7] Hwan, E. (2024, June 20). Kyrgyzstan: Railway from China to reduce dependency on Russia. Deutsche Welle. Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/ru/kyrgyzstan-zeleznaa-doroga-iz-kitaa-snizit-zavisimost-ot-rossii/a-69430517
This surge in Chinese EV imports is reshaping the automotive landscape in Central Asia and beyond. Yet, the influx of Chinese EVs also poses challenges for Uzbekistan's long-standing multi-vector foreign policy (MVFP), which aims to maintain sovereignty and avoid excessive dependence on any single power. Until now, these powers have been Russia, China and the United States (in no particular order). However, the rise of Chinese EVs represents how this framework is evolving, particularly with the technological and economic advantages they offer.
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The relationship between Canada and the countries of Central Asia unfolded over the years against a backdrop of geopolitical shifts, particularly following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. The relationship between Canada and Central Asian countries has garnered increasing attention in recent years, driven by shared interests in economic development, cultural exchange, and geopolitical cooperation. This article aims at providing a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted dynamics shaping the bilateral relations between Canada and the nations of Central Asia - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Likewise, it will delve into the region's importance from a geopolitical perspective, its economic potential for Canadian businesses, and the security interests that necessitate a robust and strategic engagement by Canada. By synthesizing existing research and offering critical insights, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the opportunities and challenges inherent in this evolving relationship, while also identifying potential avenues for further collaboration and mutual benefit.
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This research article examines the role of federal lobbying expenditures and legislative mechanisms in shaping public policy and the decision-making process in the United States. It highlights the significant impact that professional lobbyists have on advocating for various federal organizations, including government agencies, congressional committees, and the White House. The article also delves into the ongoing debate surrounding the relationship between lobbying and corporate social responsibility (CSR). To ensure a more equitable and sustainable future, the article emphasizes the need for greater transparency, accountability, and recognition of the potential negative impact of corporate lobbying. It calls for ongoing scrutiny of the complex dynamics between lobbying, public policy, and democratic governance to strike a balance between the legitimate advocacy of interests and broader societal objectives. In conclusion, this article sheds light on the significant role of federal lobbying expenditures and legislative mechanisms in shaping public policy in the United States.
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With the beginning of 2024, primary elections are held in the United States, in which presidential candidates from the Democratic and Republican parties compete. Based on the results of the voting, candidates receive the support of delegates who will vote at the conventions of both parties in the summer to officially nominate their single candidate. The Democratic challenger must receive at least 1,968 of 3,934 delegate votes, and the Republican candidate must receive at least 1,215 of 2,429 delegate votes.
After the “primaries” were held in more than 20 states, both parties showed an obvious superiority of the main contenders: Donald Trump has already received 1247, Joe Biden – 2099 votes of delegates for the nomination from their parties. At the next “primaries”, both candidates can gain the missing number of votes from delegates and receive the status of a single candidate ahead of schedule, which will turn the summer party congresses into a formality. Thus, the upcoming November 5th of this year. the election could be a rematch: for the first time since 1912, a former president will challenge an incumbent.
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With the beginning of 2024, primary elections are held in the United States, in which presidential candidates from the Democratic and Republican parties compete. Based on the results of the voting, candidates receive the support of delegates who will vote at the conventions of both parties in the summer to officially nominate their single candidate. The Democratic challenger must receive at least 1,968 of 3,934 delegate votes, and the Republican candidate must receive at least 1,215 of 2,429 delegate votes. After the “primaries” were held in more than 20 states, the obvious superiority of the main contenders emerged in both parties: Donald Trump and Joe Biden won the Republican and Democratic primaries, American media reported. Thus, they will soon be officially nominated for President of the United States by their parties. Donald Trump received 1247, Joe Biden - 2099 delegate votes. For the first time since 1912, a former US leader will challenge an incumbent. These dynamics determine key aspects of the election process, where individual states and the number of delegates play important roles.
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“Great Power Competition” is an expression which for the past few decades had fallen out of wide use. Talk of “Great Powers” was reminiscent of 19th-century contests over territory and resources but not something suitable for the 21st-century conditions of technologically advanced societies and international law. In today’s anxious circumstances, it is necessary to look at the current state of international affairs as it is, not merely as we wish it to be. Strategic competition among contemporary states, large and small, has returned to the fore. This is not only because of changes in atmosphere or because of any specific single but because of a change in the underlying correlation for forces on a global level. This essay analyzes American foreign policy in terms of the turning point in events in Europe and suggests what can be expected from American foreign policy in the period ahead. The paper focuses on what European refer to as today’s Zeitenwende—“turning point”—in international affairs.
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The publication explores various periods of the policy of the Unites States towards Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 through gradual conceptualization of its strategy named “Greater Central Asia” by American expertcommunity and ways and means of its implementation by the US administrations ever since. Based on his personal participation in some events in his foreign service career, as well as meetings with American officials and experts, releases and documents of US public agencies and media, the author analyses origins and causes of transformation of the “Greater Central Asia” strategy and its likely way ahead. The research does not intend to embrace the subject as a whole and is focusing mostly on role and place of his home country Uzbekistan in this process.
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The article examines the main political and ideological factors of the formation and development of the American national identity and analyzes the main specific features of the formation of the national character. Forms of self-identification of citizens of the country and diversity of ideas about national identity, what is the national identity of the United States, what it can be and what it should be, ethnic, racial, religious and examines how the diversity of linguistic factors can lead to the ideological polarization of American society while maintaining the unity of the country.
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This research article examines the complex issues surrounding lobbying, which plays a key role in shaping the political process in the United States of America. Lobbying is the primary instrument that allows interest groups to influence political actors and advance their political priorities. The close relationship between significant financial resources used in lobbying activities and their influence on the formation and implementation of domestic and foreign policy priorities of various interest groups is also explored. The first part of the article discusses the history of lobbying in the United States, as well as various typologies and methods of lobbying, and the legal and regulatory framework, with particular attention paid to ethics and transparency issues in lobbying activities.
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This article attempts to explore the issues surrounding the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the system of public administration in the United States of America, which has become increasingly relevant and has significant importance in decision- making processes. The mechanism of government service plays a crucial role in executing the powers of government agencies. In the context of rapidly developing technologies and databases, the application of AI aims to increase the efficiency of decision-making in government agencies in the United States. However, there are several complexities that arise in the integration of AI into government administration, including ethical issues, the preservation of transparency, and the protection of data privacy.
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Abstract: The publication explores various periods o f the policy o f the Unites States towards Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 through gradual conceptualization of its strategy named “Greater Central Asia” by American expert community and ways and means of its implementation by the US administrations ever since. Based on his personal participation in some events in his foreign service career, as well as meetings with American officials and experts, releases and documents of USpublic agencies and media, the author analyses origins and causes of transformation of the
“Greater Central Asia”strategy and its likely way ahead. The research does not intend to embrace the subject as a whole and is focusing mostly on role and place of his home country Uzbekistan in thisprocess.
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