With a visit to the Gulf States from May 13-16, Donald Trump made his first trip outside Europe since returning to the White House (with the exception of a trip to Rome for the funeral of Pope Francis). The itinerary covered Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE, but notable was the exclusion of Israel and a surprise meeting with Syria’s new leader. These moves are perceived as a signal of the U.S. administration’s desire to reorient Middle East strategy and shift focus to the Arab monarchies.   The economic agenda of the meeting was unprecedentedly large: in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia promised to invest about $600 billion in the U.S. economy. It was about the development of data centers for AI, large defense purchases (over $140 billion) and investments in technology projects with the participation of Google, Oracle and Uber.   The Qatar stage showed similar results: the parties’ commitments exceeded $1.2 trillion. Among the most notable is the order of Qatar Airways for more than 200 Boeing planes worth almost $100 billion. In addition, it included agreements on the supply of drones and financing of American military facilities, in particular, the modernization of the Al-Udeid airbase.   The UAE also confirmed its willingness to invest more than $1.4 trillion over the next ten years, focusing on technology, artificial intelligence and energy. The deals in excess of $200 billion were joined by oil companies ExxonMobil and Occidental Petroleum's industry agreements with Abu Dhabi worth about $60 billion.   Washington has relaxed the rules of the Committee on Foreign Investment in advance to accelerate capital inflows, underscoring the administration’s willingness to go along with Gulf allies even in sensitive sectors of the economy.   The political component of the visit was no less significant. The exclusion of Israel from the itinerary and the tough rhetoric of Special Envoy Steve Whitkoff indicate growing irritation with the decisions of the Israeli leadership on the Gas conflict and normalization of relations with Palestine.   U.S. contacts with the Syrian leadership and the announced lifting of sanctions was the first step since the 2000s to reintegrate Damascus into the regional dialog. This reflects the influence of Saudi Arabia and Turkey on American policy and opens new opportunities for stabilization in Syria.   On the Iranian track, Washington actively supported the talks, promising “maximum pressure” or an agreement depending on Tehran's willingness to give up its nuclear ambitions. In turn, Iran was ready to dismantle its stockpiles of highly enriched uranium in exchange for the lifting of sanctions, which creates prerequisites for de-escalation of the regional confrontation.   The Palestinian-Israeli issue remained without breakthroughs at the end of the tour: Trump only stated the need for a better life for the inhabitants of Gaza, without proposing specific mechanisms for settlement. Against this background, the firmness of Netanyahu’s position only emphasizes the difficulty of reaching agreements.   In general, Donald Trump’s Middle East tour in May was a demonstration of a new model of interaction – from declarations to large-scale economic and military agreements. The cumulative volume of contracts exceeding $4 trillion strengthens the U.S. presence in the region and contributes to the reorientation of foreign policy toward strong strategic alliances with the Arab monarchies.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In recent years, the People’s Republic of China has demonstrated consistent intensification of cooperation with the countries of Central Asia, which is manifested in the platform of multilateral dialogue at the level of heads of state in the China-Central Asia format initiated by President Xi Jinping. One of the concrete results of the deepening bilateral interaction between Uzbekistan and China was the signing of an agreement on visa-free regime on 1 December 2024.   According to the agreements reached, from 1 June 2025, citizens of both countries will be able to make mutual trips for up to 30 days without the need to issue visas. The entry into force of the agreement on the designated date is likely due to the need to finalize internal legal and administrative procedures, to agree on mechanisms of interdepartmental interaction, as well as technical preparation of infrastructure and border crossing system. In addition, the choice of the date of 1 June may be due to the seasonal factor – the summer months traditionally see an increase in tourist and business traffic, which makes the application of the agreement particularly relevant.   It should be noted that the signing and implementation of the agreement is not only legal and practical, but also of a significant political nature. It is a symbol of a high level of mutual trust and aspiration for further institutionalization of strategic partnership between the two states. The simplification of the entry regime creates additional opportunities for intensifying contacts at the level of civil societies, educational institutions, cultural and scientific exchanges, i.e., for the development of people-to-people diplomacy, which complements interstate relations with informal but stable horizontal ties.   In the economic dimension, the cancellation of the visa regime may become an additional incentive to expand cooperation in trade, investment, transport, and logistics. China is already a leader among foreign investors in Uzbekistan, actively participating in the implementation of key infrastructure projects, including within the framework of the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative. Simplification of border crossing procedures creates favorable conditions for intensification of business contacts, exchange of delegations and participation of business circles of both countries in joint projects.   Thus, the visa-free regime between Uzbekistan and China is not only a pragmatic step in the field of visa liberalization, but also an instrument aimed at strengthening political dialogue, economic cooperation, and humanitarian ties. Its implementation opens up new horizons for the comprehensive development of bilateral cooperation in line with the spirit of good neighborliness, strategic interaction and mutual benefit.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

Religious tolerance in Uzbekistan is an important element of state policy and public life, especially in the context of the multi-ethnic and multi-confessional composition of the population of our country. The State in our country is separate from religious organizations, and all religious associations are equal before the law.   In recent years, the country has continued to liberalize the religious sphere. For example, the Centre for Islamic Civilization and the Imam Bukhari International Research Centre have been established in Uzbekistan. These and other measures have helped to improve the country's image and to recognize progress in the area of religious freedom.   Today Uzbek society as a whole is characterized by a high degree of religious tolerance. Representatives of various faiths, including Muslims, Christians, Jews, and others, coexist peacefully and engage in interreligious dialogue. Mosques, churches, synagogues, and other religious institutions operate in the country, allowing believers to practice their religion freely.   This also applies fully to Catholics, of whom there are some 3,500 in Uzbekistan. The Catholic community is represented by several parishes, for example in Tashkent, Samarkand, Bukhara, etc., organized under the Apostolic Administration of Uzbekistan. Today it is actively involved in interfaith dialogue and social activities, despite its small number. Services are conducted in several languages, including English, Korean, Russian and Polish, reflecting the international composition of the congregation.   The recent election of Cardinal Robert Francis Prévost to the papal throne was also an important event for Catholics in our country. In my opinion, the choice of the name Leo XIV symbolically refers to Pope Leo XIII, known for his social doctrine and support for workers. Thus, a signal is given that the course on social justice and reforms initiated by his predecessors will be continued.   It is needed to be noted that Uzbekistan in its foreign policy advocates strengthening interfaith dialogue and humanitarian cooperation. Experts in Uzbekistan highly appreciate the Vatican's contribution to promoting the ideas of goodness and mercy, as well as support for the needy around the world. Thus, we can note with full confidence that relations between Uzbekistan and the Vatican will continue to develop on the basis of mutual respect and desire for dialogue.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

According to World Bank estimates, Central Asian countries remain among the least connected economies in the world, has a negative impact on their well-being. At the same time, the region's share of global revenues from transport service exports does not exceed 1%. For this reason, creating and promoting on a mutually beneficial basis effective transit corridors that allow connecting the largest world markets through Central Asia has been prioritized today. One such corridor is the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), also known as the Middle Corridor, which is involved in the East-West-East land connection.   In the current realities, the European Union (EU) has the greatest practical interest in the infrastructural development of this route. Within the framework of the Global Gateway initiative for the Central Asian republics, financial assistance in the amount of €10 billion has been announced. At the high-level Central Asia-European Union Summit on April 4, 2025, in Samarkand, the EU announced a further investment package for €12 billion. A quarter of this amount will be used to finance transport projects.   This dynamic is expected to contribute to the development formation of an extensive supply network stretching from Central Asia to Europe and beyond.     The intensification of trans-Caspian transport offers a range of geopolitical and geo-economic advantages.   First. Central Asia has a unique opportunity to transform itself into a Eurasian transit hub. This would strengthen the region's international subjectivity, which is crucial for establishing equal relations with influential actors of world politics.   Second. Expanding the potential of the Middle Corridor aligns with the national transportation strategies of Central Asian countries, which aim to diversify foreign trade flows. Developing freight transport in the west enables the region to reduce its dependence on northern routes and open up new export markets.   Third. The transport landscape of Central Asia is being radically transformed through the launch of new interregional trade routes, providing a solid foundation for strengthening intraregional connectivity and reducing the cost of transporting goods.         Fourth. Trans-Caspian transport facilitates to the expansion of trade, economic and investment cooperation with the EU, the countries of the South Caucasus and Turkey, which gives an additional impetus to Central Asia's development.   However, as recent studies have shown, for several objective reasons, the Middle Corridor cannot provide equal transit benefits to all five Central Asian republics. This is due to the disproportionate distribution of the potential West-oriented cargo flow among them. Kazakhstan accounts for more than 93% of the total volume, while Turkmenistan’s share is 3%, Uzbekistan 2.3%, Kyrgyzstan 1.1%, and Tajikistan only 0.03%. It follows that the improvement of TITR has a positive impact on the economic development of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan as the shortest and most convenient trade route to the EU. For Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, the Middle Corridor is one of the additional routes that will contribute to the diversification of export-import supplies with Southern Europe, the United States, Canada, and other foreign trade partners.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

The proliferation of modern financial technology (fintech) requires banks and businesses to seamlessly utilize digital technology and artificial intelligence (AI). Modern fintech companies are rapidly breaking into all areas of the economy. To this, the following is a testament.   According to PYMNTS, citing the Financial Times, leading British multinational Revolut Neobank and Fintech company has announced the launch of a mobile service that will “offer users unlimited calls, text messages and data at home, as well as 20GB of data roaming across Europe and the US”, and for the first time will be launched in the UK and Germany. This confirms that fintech companies are making their way into the telecoms sector. From these PYMNTS reports, “the penetration of mobile phones in the global market is blurring the boundary between telecoms and financial services”, which is leading in turn to “digital banks, and especially neobanks, moving into connectivity and mobile payments, while telecoms companies in turn are becoming increasingly embedded in finance”.   Marco Santos, CEO of the German technology solutions group (Gesellschaft für Technologietransfer – GFT), also spoke about the growing demand for financial technology, despite the ongoing global macroeconomic instability, in an interview with BNamericas on 29 April. According to him, GFT has a very clear vision and long-term vision to become leaders and a fully AI-focused company. According to the information, GFT operates in the US and its presence can help mitigate international trade tensions. Banks see “cost optimization” as an “investment in structuring”, reducing costs in banking and are investing heavily in simplifying processes and improving customer service, driving demand for technology, especially AI.   Despite the rapid adoption of AI tools in many business domains, the adoption of AI in fintech applications is still slow due to regulatory requirements related to citizen money management. According to the author's assertion, most of the AI functions in fintech today are focused on speeding up functions such as customer service, accounting, and other operations. Now, a new trend is emerging in fintech: the use of AI for deep investment research by bankers and investors.   In turn, traditional banks are investing in digital transformation and partnering with fintech companies to improve their digital services. These collaborations, she believes, help integrate financial solutions such as digital wallets, peer-to-peer payments and advanced lending solutions, blurring the line between financial institutions and fintechs. Banks partnering with fintechs benefit from innovation, flexibility, cost efficiency and customer-centric service. The use of AI is of interest to the financial services industry as banks are cautiously looking for innovative ways to improve decision-making and operational efficiency, as well as utilizing technology for regulatory compliance, and for banks with operations in multiple countries, the use of AI makes it easier to handle complex reporting across jurisdictions.   In conclusion, investing in digital transformation, financial technology and artificial intelligence will drive competitiveness for fintech companies and banks to improve their digital services and meet growing customer expectations.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

According to Fazliddin Djamalov, Donald Trump shows himself as a leader with deep personal ambitions, proud and absolutely confident in his abilities. The specialist notes that he considers himself a strong personality guiding the world, applies the principle of “if there is a benefit – I will do it” in every decision and usually pays little attention to the internal aspects of specific small-organizational issues. Trump has a strong will, loyalty and flexibility, wants to be recognized as a “leader elected by the people” and prefers relationships based on personal respect with his associates.   According to the expert, Trump’s political views are mainly based on conservative principles: he actively defends traditional values and sharply criticizes globalism, liberal democracy and multilateral diplomacy. Djamalov argues that Trump, acting under the slogan “America for Americans”, promotes a policy of supporting Russia, Israel and other conservative states while opposing liberals, the Democratic Party and positive progressive parties in Western Europe.   According to the expert, Trump’s foreign policy is based on a neorealist model that emphasizes bilateral negotiations on international issues and puts the idea of “Great America” above national interests. He seeks to pursue an independent policy by withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement and revising commitments in NATO, participating in global cooperation only if it is in the interests of the United States.   According to the expert, Trump does not rely too much on public opinion when making decisions, but instead considers power and favorable factors as the main criteria as a “deal-maker”. Because he favors an unconventional, dynamic style that allows him to quickly adapt to political situations, this approach serves to further strengthen his leadership on the world stage.   Read the full interview on the UzA website   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.